The Dream Palace of the Arabs

According to Hourani, "the patriotism of this plosive speech sound was secularist, believing in a bond which could embrace flock of different schools or faiths, and it was . . . constitutionalist" (343). Christian Arabs in Syria and Lebanon, whose communities had closer ties to the westbound than to a greater extent traditional Arab societies, played a leading role, unneurotic with Muslim Arabs, in leading the earlier anti-colonialist struggle against the Turks and after the French and the British. A parallel jingoistic movement developed in Egypt, and much intellectual cross-fertilization transpired mingled with capital of Lebanon/Damascus and Cairo-based Arab intellectuals. In general, they expressed admiration for Western letters, semi semipolitical philosophy, economic progress and technological superiority. As Egyptian nationalist and newspaper editor Lufti al-Sayyid said in 1912: "the dominant nicety of today is European, and the only possible foundation for our progress in Egypt is the transmission of the principles of that civilization" (Ahmad 97). The movement included many Muslims, who endeavored to overtake Islamic thought to make it more relevant to the coetaneous world. According to Hourani, Egyptian writer Khalid Khalil asserte

The Arab mind has been preoccupied for centuries with memories of lost glory, of times long past, and bedeviled by a long history of schismatic movements and broken promises, of failed political leadership and long standing religious and communal controversies and movements. Nevertheless, as Ajami pointed out, some of the Arab world's leading intellectuals, such as Hawi, the critic genus Adonis and later the Copenhagen group which advocated peace with Israel in the 1990s, have their grow planted in the soil of common sense and the lessons of experience. Arab nationalism probably had to go through a period of dream the impossible and then seeing it dashed before a new and more mature and sober appreciation of humankind would permeate its intellectual thought.

the events of 1967, and the process of change which followed them, made more intense that disturbance of spirits, that sense of a world gone(a) wrong, which had already been expressed in the poetry of the 1950s and 1960s. The defeat of 1967 was widely regarded as being not only a military

Hawi pursued his career as a poet and mostly avoided trouble with the law. During the late 1940s when he became a particle of the faculty at AUB, which Ajami described as "the marriage between American missionary impulse and the sensibility of a secularized urban elite" and "a citadel of the Arab bourgeoisie" (60 and 87). Hawi was drawn into the twisting of Arab nationalist revolutionary ferment, which was stimulated by the Arab defeat in the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948. Ajami said at AUB "political demonstrations were the revision of the day" (62). "Hawi was swept up in the current of Arab nationalism," further "he was typical of his own time and his generation of meliorate Arabs in his enthusiasm for foreign texts and political philosophy" (Ajami 67-68).

Hourani, Albert. A History of the Arab Peoples. Cambridge: Harvard U P, 1995.

Even during the 1950s and 1960s, Ajami said "a premonition of doom ran through his [Hawi's]
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